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RSF ranking: 6th out of 180 (RSF, 2019)
Population: 8.64m (Worldometer, 2020)
Percentage in the capital: 1.4% (121,631); Zurich has more at 3.96% (341,730; Worldometer, 2020)
GDP: 680.03bn USD (Statista, 2019)
EFTA member: since 1960 (European Free Trade Association, 2018)
Official languages: Swiss-German, -French, -Italian, and Romansch (BBC, 2020)
Press council: Geschäftsstelle Schweizer Presserat (Swiss Press Council)

Press freedom environment: Freedom House classes Switzerland as a “free” country with a total score of 96 out of 100 (Freedom House, 2020). This score is split 39/57 for political rights and for civil liberties (Ibid.). At the time of writing, Freedom House did not have a “narrative report” for 2020, and the most recent one is from 2019. Switzerland is unique in that its political system runs as a direct democracy, with government decentralised and shared as a coalition between the four main political parties (Freedom House, 2019). Switzerland is made up of 26 cantons (each with a main national language), that have “considerable decision-making power” (Ibid.). One flaw in an otherwise well-functioning society is increasing negative attitudes towards immigration and foreign nationals (Ibid.). The report described several events from 2018, starting with a data-retention law that requires mobile and internet providers to keep user data for a period of six months (Ibid.). Another notable event was the rejection, via referendum of a “self-determination initiative”, which, if successful, would have places international law secondary to Swiss law (Ibid.). In the “Civil Liberties” section of the report called “Freedom of Expression and Belief”, freedom of the press is totally free and unhindered, with an “open media environment” that includes the Swiss Broadcasting Corporation (SRG/SSR), which is state-owned but also independent. A referendum from March 2018 stopped the abolition of the licensing fees for the public broadcaster, which is one entity operating under four translations of its name,[1] and more recently, the merging of newspaper ownerships has affected the viability of smaller local and regional newspapers (Ibid.).

Media landscape

Situated in Hallin and Mancini’s Northern European or Democratic Corporatist model, Switzerland has a “high degree of professionalization among journalists”, where there is stress on “the importance of public media in the media sector” and “political power and the media are strictly separated” (Ríos et al., 2018: 228). Press politics in Switzerland are mostly orientated towards “opinion-shaping” and “opinion-forming” orientations (Meier, 2017). Instead of following or supporting particular parties, various news media support political values or principles; for example, NZZ-Gruppe “supports neoliberal policies”, Ringier and Tamedia “favour bourgeois politics” (Ibid.). The only exceptions are the Basler Zeitung and Weltwoche, which openly support the National Conservative Swiss People’s Party and are oriented towards “conservative and neoliberal basic values” (Ibid.).

Switzerland is unique in that it is situated in both an international media context with its neighbours: France, Germany, Austria and Italy (Bonfadelli et al., 2012: 320), but also within an inter-lingual context of four national languages: Swiss-French, Swiss-German, Swiss-Italian, and Romansh. In this way, “linguistic borders within a country also function as cultural borders” (Ibid.). Although there exists “harmonization of the political cultures”, there are still “clear differences” between the different language regions (Ibid.). Therefore, in terms of understanding the media context and journalistic context of Switzerland, these regional and language differences must be taken into consideration (Ibid.). Outside of languages spoken by immigrants (8%), Swiss-German is spoken by most of the population (64%), followed by Swiss-French (19%), Swiss-Italian (8%) and Romansh, which is spoken by less than 1% of the population (Meier, 2017).

Newspapers and market

The Swiss media context has seen the consolidation of news media organisations, as well as the decrease in local and regional news outlets. Between 1992 and 2012, there was a decrease of 40% of these publications to 76 “titles” (Bonfadelli et al., 2012: 320). The five biggest organisations are: Tamedia, Ringier , NZZ-Gruppe, AZ-Medien, and Somedia (Meier, 2017), with a recent one, CH Media entering the scene (Udris and Eisenegger, 2019). There is an argument that with the high degree of consolidation of news media in Switzerland, there has been an increase in the professionalisation of journalism and quality in news (Bonfadelli et al., 2012: 320). However, this has also been countered with the consequential effects on the quality of journalism due to the “move toward tabloidization and commercialization of the Swiss media” (Ibid.). This move towards “audience-oriented journalism” meant that free newspapers like 20 Minutes/Minuten have been popular with both advertisers and readers (Ibid.: 320-321), means that “soft news” has become more prevalent (Meier, 2017). Internet penetration in Switzerland is high at 91% (Udris and Eisenegger, 2019).

Meier (2017) provides the breakdown of the four out of the five key parent organisations listed above, adapted to table form here:

Group Brands and circulation in 2017 Reach in 2017
Tamedia 20 Minuten (442,994)

20 minutes (183,498)

20 minuti (31,929)

SonntagsZeitung (160,298)

Tages-Anzeiger (140,196)

Berner Zeitung (96,804)

24Heures (55,279)

Le Matin (40,682)

Der Bund (39,948)

Tribune de Genève (36,393)

40% Swiss-German

60% Swiss-French

NZZ-Gruppe St. Galler Tagblatt (117,529)

Neue Luzerner Zeitung (114,109)

NZZ am Sonntag (103,714)

Zentralschweiz am Sonntag (90,123)

Neue Zürcher Zeitung (90,011)

Ostschweiz am Sonntag (48,307)

no data
Ringier Blick am Abend (270,984)

Sonntagsblick (172,551)

Blick (143,329)

Schweizer Illustrierte (143,080)

Le Temps (28,410)

no data

Switzerland has been described as having a “relatively high number of journalists per capita” with around 136 per 100,000 individuals (Bonfadelli et al., 2012: 324), however, recent studies from the Reuters Institute have indicated that with a high degree of consolidation, the diversity of views and opinions has been reduced (Udris and Eisenegger, 2019). Tamedia has centralised its newsrooms for its Swiss-French and Swiss-German brands. However, it has additional newsrooms for the national free newspaper 20 Minutes/Minuten (Ibid.). Udris and Eisenegger (2019) describe this as highly problematic given that with direct democracy, Switzerland often has several referendums a year, and with this, there is a high degree of important on offering differing views to the issues at hand. In terms the five largest newspapers, by average circulation, for 2017 were: 20 Minuten (Swiss-German edition; 451k), Blick am Abend (254k), 20 Minutes (Swiss-French edition; 174k), azNordwestschweiz (153k), and Tages-Anzeiger (149k; Statista, 2020).

Audience news consumption

The 2019 Reuters Digital News Report combines results of weekly usage across television, radio, and print, as well as online in Switzerland (Newman et al., 2019: 112). These are split between the majority Swiss-German speaking portion of the population, and the secondary Swiss-French speaking portion of the population. In the case of the Swiss-German side, the main public broadcaster, SRF ranks at the top at 67% for tv, radio, and print, and 22% for online. In terms of the top news brands, 20 Minuten online was at 55 % for online and 52% for print, Blick with Blick am Abend was at 31% for online, and 22% for print (Blick only), Bluewin was at 22% for online (with no print), and Watson was at 16% for online (with no print; Ibid: 113). It is interesting to note that “traditional” news brands are quite low in weekly reach here, with Tages Anzeiger at 11% for online and 13% for print, NZZ at 9% for online (with no figure for print), and unspecified regional and local newspapers at 8% for online and 19% for print (Ibid.). In the case of the Swiss-French side, the main public broadcaster under its French name, RTS, ranks at the top at 80% for tv, radio, and print, and 28% for online (Ibid.). Like the Swiss-French side, the Swiss-French side has a combination of tv, radio, and news brands. The national news brands, 20 Minutes was at 55% for online and 61% for print, followed by Le Matin at 28% for online and 20% for print, Bluewin at 24% for online (with no print), 24 heures was at 20% for online 23% for print (Ibid.). These figures are a little muddled for the Swiss context, given that the Swiss context is a conglomerate of different cultural hubs that are separated by geography; for example, with Bern being the capital of the country with a smaller population than Zurich as the financial capital.

Public service media

Although the Swiss public broadcaster holds a leading position in broadcast media, there have been some developments in the legal frameworks of financial support for television media. In 2008 the Radio and TV Law provided a percentage of public licensing fees to private television stations. However, in turn these stations had to adhere to “standards of journalistic quality” in order to meet a public service function to justify receipt of the funds (Bonfadelli et al., 2012: 321).

The public broadcaster is called SRG SSR, with its central studio in Zurich (Udris and Eisenegger, 2019). The SRG SSR is partially funded for television, and fully funded for radio by the Swiss Federal Council, and it must serve all of Switzerland’s language populations equally, that is the Swiss-German/French/Italian populations (Meier, 2017).[2] National licensing enables the smaller languages of the SRG SSR to be properly funded through “cross-subsidies”, which is “as a sort of contribution to national solidarity” (Ibid.).

With the threat of big tech, from which Swiss organisations are seeking compensation by using copyright law, the SRG SSR has been in dialogue with private media to collaborate on a shared app that would provide users with content across the spectrum and allow the involved organisations to share user data; this was described as a “log-in alliance” (Udris and Eisenegger, 2019). Moves from competitors, such as 20 Minutes/Minuten working towards creating daily digests via WhatsApp, as well as organisations like Tamedia using AI-generated content, or “robo-journalism” to mass-produce referendum results by region, or NZZ offering articles in audio form (Ibid.).

Public trust in the press and media

According to the 2019 Digital News Report, overall trust in Swiss news was at 46% (that is, 48% for the Swiss-German side, and 42% for the Swiss-French side), with Switzerland ranking 13th out of the 38 countries in the study (Newman et al., 2019: 113). The most trusted sources of news for the Swiss-German side are SFR News (public broadcaster) and NZZ (broadsheet/quality newspaper), and the least trusted is Blick (tabloid, popular; Ibid.). The most trusted sources of news for the Swiss-French side are RTS News (public broadcaster) and Le Temps (Berliner format/quality newspaper), and the least trusted is MSN (online; Ibid.). On a scale of 1-10, the most trusted brand for news on the Swiss-German side is public broadcaster RSF News (7.25), and the top five newspapers following this are NZZ (6.9; broadsheet, quality), Tages Anzeiger (6.72; broadsheet, quality), Aargauer Zeitung (6.12; regional, quality), Weltwoche (5.93; broadsheet, right-wing paper not following the press council), and 20 Minuten (5.92; online/daily; Ibid.). For the Swiss-French side, the most trusted brand for news is public broadcaster RTS News (7.42), and the top five newspapers following this are Le Temps (6.98; Berliner format, quality newspaper), 24 heures (6.83; broadsheet, quality), Tribune de Genѐve (6.73; regional, quality), La Liberté (6.46; regional quality), and Le Nouvelliste (6.45; regional, quality; Ibid.).

Most of the other country scoping documents include data from the Special Eurobarometer 452, titled Media pluralism and democracy. Switzerland was not included in this study.

Online only/digital entrants

In terms of online-only brands, the Reuters Digital News Report for 2019 lists the following as the most-used sources of news “used last week” for the Swiss-German side are: Bluewin (22%), Watson (16%), gmx (13%), Teletext online (11%), MSN News (9%), and CNN (6%; Newman et al., 2019: 113). The most-used sources of news “used last week” for the Swiss-French side are: Bluewin (24%), Teletext online (17%), MSN News (11%), and Yahoo! News (10%; Ibid.). A key player in terms of “longform”, crowd-funded news like De Correspondent in the Netherlands, is Republik (Udris and Eisenegger, 2019). Other online-only outlets include Watson.ch, which was launched in 2014 (and is in Swiss-German), and Heidi News (which is in Swiss-French), are up-and-running contenders (Ibid.).

Current studies and context

Journalists are trained, many with a university degree (69.6%), or with a specialised degree in journalism or communication studies (47.3%; Dingerkus et al., 2016). In the Worlds of Journalism Study for Switzerland (n=909), Swiss participants had worked an average of 14.62 years as journalists, with 47.8% respondents working at specific desks like politics, local news, or sports (Ibid.). In general, Swiss journalists adhere to a value of factual and objective reporting (Ibid.: 2). In the study, the categories that most participants responded to in terms of values (i.e. more than 50% responding “extremely” and “very important”) were: “Report things as they are” (94.4%), “Provide analysis of current affairs” (84%), “Be a detached observer” (82.8%), “Provide information people need to make political decisions” (68.9%), “Let people express their views” (56.1%), “Tell stories about the world” (55.2%), “Promote tolerance and cultural diversity” (50.4%; Ibid.: 2). With regards to professional ethics, almost all of the participants in the study “strongly” or “somewhat agreed” that they must respect codes of professional ethics in every instance (91.3%), and about half thought “what is ethical in journalism depends on the specific situation” (51.4%), a small number thought that “it is acceptable to set aside moral standards if extraordinary circumstances require it” (17.7%), and a similar number thought that ethics came down to the individual’s judgement (17.7%; Ibid.: 3).

In terms of the current RSF rankings, Switzerland is ranked as 8th (out of 180) on the 2020 World Press Freedom Index, a drop from 6th in 2019 (RSF, 2020). According to the 2019 Digital News Report, overall trust in Swiss news was at 46%, with Switzerland ranking 13th out of the 38 countries in the study (Newman et al., 2019: 113). Internet penetration is at 91% (Ibid.: 112).

Regulatory environment

In 1972 the Declaration of the Duties and Rights of Journalists was put into place by the Swiss Press Association in Bern, following the principles of the International Federation of Journalists, which was based in Brussels (Jones, 1980: 32). Jones (1980: 32) described Switzerland as not needing a “media council” at the time of writing, because of the relationship between various media organisations working alongside local government, “combining satisfactorily those two elements which are often said to be irreconcilable – absolute freedom and a highly developed sense of responsibility.” These organisations were: The Swiss Press Association, Swiss Editors Association, Swiss-Romande Association, and the Swiss Radio and Television Association, which at the time of writing had their own internal codes of ethics (Ibid.).

The Accountable Journalism lists two bodies for Switzerland: The Independent Complaints Authority for Radio and Television (ICA; l’Autorité indépendante d’examen des plaintes en matière de radio-télévision), and the Swiss Press Council (Accountable Journalism, 2017). The ICA (2020) describes itself as an “extra-parliamentary federal commission which rules on complaints” against the following:

      • Radio and television programmes provided by national, regional and local Swiss broadcasters,
      • Other journalistic material published by the national broadcaster, SRG SSR, encompassing online content, Teletext bulletins, programme-related information, international news and information services, and accompanying material for individual programmes,
      • Refused access to a radio or television programme (editorial content or publicity) of a Swiss broadcaster,
      • Refused access to the editorial content of other journalistic services provided by SRG SSR.

Proceedings are publicly accessible and the ICA decides on whether or not a complaint constitutes an infraction of domestic or international law, and appeals must be made to the Federal Supreme Court. However, the relevant ombudsman determines whether or not a complaint should be escalated to the ICA first (Ibid.).

The press council

The press council was established in 1977 (Ríos et al., 2018: 226). It describes itself as “the appeal body for the public and journalists on questions relating to journalistic ethics”, that ensures compliance with its code of ethics, which is applicable to all journalists (Geschäftsstelle Schweizer Presserat, 2020k).[3][4] The press council also positions itself as “[defending] freedom of speech and freedom of the press”, as well as contributing to “reflection and debate” on “fundamental questions on media ethics” (Ibid.).[5] By “[guaranteeing] self-regulation of the media sector”, the press council asseses infringement of the code of ethics for journalistic work published in the press, radio, television, and online (Ibid.).[6]

The press council has 21 members, 15 of whom are journalists, six of these are members of the public that do not work in journalism (Geschäftsstelle Schweizer Presserat, 2020i). The four national languages of Switzerland are also represented in the press council. The membership work with ombudsmen (médiateurs) from Swiss media organisations, foreign press councils, and other bodies (Ibid.). An overarching foundation board ensures that the press council is financed and has facilities, and it was founded by six key organisations: Impressum (national journalist association), Schweizer Syndikat Medienschaffender, Syndicom, Association Conférence des rédactrices et rédacteurs en chef, Association Médias suisses, and the SSR (Ibid.; for a list of funds contributed, see: Geschäftsstelle Schweizer Presserat, 2020f). This foundation has 18 members, and membership is allocated according to how much each organisation contributes to the foundation (Ibid.). The secretariat of the press council organises the casework of the 21 members of the press council, who are split into three working groups (chambres), and acts as the point of contact for all parties involved: complainants, journalists, publishers, collaborators, and members of the public (Ibid.; for further details on the structure of the press council, see: Geschäftsstelle Schweizer Presserat, 2020j). The press council is a member of the Alliance of Independent Press Councils of Europe (AIPCE), but does not describe its involvement in the AIPCE (Geschäftsstelle Schweizer Presserat, 2020g).

The press council’s “code of conduct” was available online in English at the time of writing, and these comprise of two documents that make one whole: a “Declaration” that includes the “Declaration of Duties of a Journalist” and the “Declaration of Rights of a Journalist”, as well as the “Directives relating to the ‘Declaration of the Duties and Rights of the Journalist’” (Geschäftsstelle Schweizer Presserat, 2020c; Geschäftsstelle Schweizer Presserat, 2020e).

Anyone can bring a complaint to the press council without charge, regarding editorial contributions to newspapers, magazines, online media and other electronic media like radio and television (Geschäftsstelle Schweizer Presserat, 2020d).[7] The complaint must be filed within three months, and in addition to all relevant details about the case, the complainant must explain which part of the code of ethics the complaint refers to, as well as indicating if legal proceedings are either underway in tandem with the complaint, or if there is an intention to continue with legal proceedings once the press council has reached an eventual decision (Ibid.). There are no sanction procedures and decisions are published on the press council’s website (Ibid.).

In the MEDIAACT study (2014), the Swiss press council and its tradition of self-regulation had a higher impact on journalist behaviour than in other countries in the study (Ríos et al., 2018: 232).

Recent press council report/cases

A database of decisions reached is available to the public in the languages in which the decisions were made, going back to 1990 (Geschäftsstelle Schweizer Presserat, 2020a). A list of “milestones” explains why decisions were taken for a given case, as a way of setting a precedent for the press council’s caseworking (Geschäftsstelle Schweizer Presserat, 2020h), which was described in another part of the press council’s website (Geschäftsstelle Schweizer Presserat, 2020i).

The 2019 annual report was not available on the website at the time of writing; however, a blog post shared some information of cases from that year. It described the press council having handled more cases in 2019 than its 40 years in operation, with a total of 83 decisions reached, 125 appeals procedures, and 126 complaints registered (Geschäftsstelle Schweizer Presserat, 2020b).

The 2018 Swiss-French language report is available online (Geschäftsstelle Schweizer Presserat, 2018). It covers six pages without graphs. In the introduction, it discusses the press council having to take into consideration changes in the media landscape, including how journalists work and inform the public. It said that it considers the work of journalists encompassing the dissemination of information outside of an editorial context, including personal blogs and social media accounts; however, the degree to which electronic communications count as professional practice must also be tempered with the ability of the individual to express themselves. In addition to the case summary for 2018, the report includes a list of notable cases. The first is a case of tabloid Blick publishing a photo of two deceased children in the arms of their father. The complaint cited infringement of privacy and infringement of the dignity of the children, who were identifiable. The press council decided that public interest took precedence in this instance. The end of the report references AIPCE briefly by noting that the 50th Anniversary meeting for that year, held in Helsinki, included lengthy debates about algorithms and media ethics.

Other bodies and codes of ethics

Impressum, which is an association for Swiss journalists, indicates that journalists that are registered and have press cards must abide by the press council’s codes of ethics, and that the press council is “responsible for the application of these rules” (Impressum, 2020).[8] The SFJ, which is an association for specialized journalists and is only available in Swiss-German (SFJ, 2020), does not make reference to codes of ethics (Journalistenkodex), or the press council (presserat).

Journalism culture

In the Worlds of Journalism Study for Switzerland (n=909), Swiss participants had worked an average of 14.62 years as journalists, with 47.8 % respondents working at specific desks like politics, local news, or sports (Dingerkus et al., 2016: 1). In general, Swiss journalists adhere to a value of factual and objective reporting (Ibid.). In the study, the categories that most participants responded to in terms of values (i.e. more than 50% responding “extremely” and “very important”) were: “Report things as they are” (94.4%), “Provide analysis of current affairs” (84%), “Be a detached observer” (82.8%), “Provide information people need to make political decisions” (68.9%), “Let people express their views” (56.1%), “Tell stories about the world” (55.2%), and “Promote tolerance and cultural diversity” (50.4%; Ibid.: 2). With regards to professional ethics, almost all of the participants in the study “strongly” or “somewhat agreed” that they must respect codes of professional ethics in every instance (91.3%), and about half thought “what is ethical in journalism depends on the specific situation” (51.4%), a small number thought that “it is acceptable to set aside moral standards if extraordinary circumstances require it” (17.7%), and about the same number thought that ethics came down to the individual’s judgement (17.7%; Ibid.: 3).

The RSF describes Switzerland as providing a safe environment for journalists, albeit one that is under financial constraints (RSF, 2020). In 2019, a number of lawsuits were initiated by politicians against journalists in Geneva and Lausanne (Swiss-French speaking cities; Ibid.). Switzerland normally provided a context where journalists could freely criticise the elite, and with these new lawsuits, particularly ones brought against small resource-deficient newspapers by powerful businessmen, there was concern that this might provoke a trend of mistrust of the media (Ibid.). Switzerland has also seen a shift with media conglomerates buying up small news brands, which, along with increasing digitalisation of news, means that Swiss news diversity is becoming compromised, which is especially noticeable in a cultural and geographical context where there was once greater diversity (Ibid.).

There are few studies on journalist role perceptions and journalism culture that exist before the late 1990s. The first study from 1998 showed that journalists in Switzerland share common threads with journalists from the European and North American contexts, though with certain exceptions that had to do with cultural insulation preventing any overall economic pressures due to a “strongly segmented Swiss media landscape” (Bonfadelli et al., 2012: 321). Additionally, Swiss journalists tended to be in an older age demographic than other countries compared at that time and context (France, Germany, USA), and it was not uncommon for journalists to not be formally trained (Ibid.). A second study from 2008 comprised of three online surveys with 2,509 journalists working for private broadcasters, the public broadcaster, and print media (Ibid.: 322). The study found that although there were changes with how media organisations are structured and how media are consumed, journalistic norms and environments remained stable (Ibid.: 329). Key shifts had to do with the increase in training for younger journalists as well as increased commercialisation of news, including the popularity of free newspapers; as well as the prevalence of the internet and the use of it as a “central tool” for “journalistic production” and the increase of job instability due to the financial crisis at that time (Ibid.).

Other information

Governing framework
Confederation (Comparative Constitutions Project, 2018)
Switzerland has a system of direct democracy (BBC, 2020)

The Federal Assembly
Government is organised on three hierarchies: federal, cantonal (state), and local (Meier, 2017).

Seats in parliament
Council of States: 46, and National Council: 200 (ParlCH, 2016: 00:01:15)

Last election
20 October 2019 (CH, 2019)

Seats held by women
32.5% (The World Bank, 2019)

Party system
Cabinet: 7-member head of State (BBC, 2020)
Parliamentary Groups, read more here (click for link)

Populist party
Swiss People’s Party (Kleiner, 2018)

Origins of key minority groups
Turkey, the former Yugoslavia; Islam is second-largest religion after Christianity; 20% of the population is composed of foreigners (Minority Rights, 2019).

Constitutional text on freedom of speech/expression/the press

  • Freedom of expression and of information is guaranteed. 16.2. Every person has the right freely to form, express, and impart their opinions. 17.1. Freedom of the press, radio and television and of other forms of dissemination of features and information by means of public telecommunications is guaranteed. 21. Freedom of artistic expression is guaranteed. 34.2. The guarantee of political rights protects the freedom of the citizen to form an opinion and to give genuine expression to his or her will. 93.2. Radio and television shall contribute to education and cultural development, to the free shaping of opinion and to entertainment. They shall take account of the particularities of the country and the needs of the Cantons. They shall present events accurately and allow a diversity of opinions to be expressed appropriately. 93.4. Account must be taken of the role and duties of other media, in particular the press (Comparative Constitutions Project, 2018).

Media model (Hallin and Mancini, 2004: 67)
Northern European or Democratic Corporatist Model

Key events
2009: Referendum bans minarets with 57.5% in favour (Wyler, 2017).
2017: Referendum allows third-generation immigrants to acquire citizenship easier (BBC, 2020).
2018: Referendum rejects banning licensing fees supporting public broadcasting (BBC, 2020).
click here for the BBC’s recent articles on Switzerland.
click here for The Guardian’s recent articles on Switzerland.


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BBC. 2020. Switzerland country profile. January 6, 2020. BBC – Europe. [Online]. Available from: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-17980650.
Bonfadelli, H., Keel, G., Marr, M. and Wyss, V. 2012. Journalists in Switzerland: Structure and attituted. In: Weaver, D. H. and Willnat, L. eds. The Global Journalist in the 21st Century. pp.320-330.
CH. 2019. Elections 2019. [Online]. Available from: https://www.ch.ch/en/elections2019/.
Comparative Constitutions Project. 2018. Switzerland’s Constitution of 1999 with Amendments through 2014 (Subsequently amended). [Online]. Available from: https://constituteproject.org/constitution/Switzerland_2014.pdf.
Dingerkus, F., Keel, G. and Wyss, V. 2016. Country Report: Journalists in Switzerland. Worlds of Journalism Study. [Online]. Available from: https://epub.ub.uni-muenchen.de/30991/1/Dingerkus_Keel_Journalists_in_Switzerland.pdf.
European Free Trade Association. 2018. EFTA through the years. [Online]. Available from: http://www.efta.int/About-EFTA/EFTA-through-years-747.
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Hallin, D. C. and Mancini, P. 2004. Comparing media systems: Three models of media and politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
ICA. 2020. The Independent Complaints Authority for Radio and Television. [Online]. Available from: https://www.ubi.admin.ch/en/ica-homepage/.
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[1] German: Schweizerische Radio- und Fernsehgesellschaft, French: Société suisse de radiodiffusion et television, Italian: Società svizzera di radiotelevisione, Romansh: Societad Svizra da Radio e Televisiun.
[2] Romansh is such a niche language that resources mostly talk about the three national languages.
[3] At the time of writing, the Swiss Press Council did not have its English pages available.
[4] “Le Conseil suisse de la presse est l’instance de recours du public et des journalistes pour les questions ayant trait à la déontologie journalistique.”
[5] “Le Conseil de la presse contribue aussi à la réflexion et la discussion sur les questions fondamentales de l’éthique des médias. Il défend la liberté d’expression et de la presse.”
[6] “Le Conseil de la presse évalue dans sa décision si et pourquoi un compte rendu journalistique paru dans la presse, à la radio, à la télévision ou sur Internet viole le code de déontologie des journalistes – ou non. Il garantit ainsi l’autorégulation de la branche des medias.”
[7] “Tout un chacun peut saisir le Conseil de la presse à propos de contributions rédactionnelles des journaux et magazines, médias en ligne et autres médias électroniques (radio, TV). La procédure est gratuite.”
[8] “Les journalistes inscrits au Registre professionnel et ayant une carte de presse travaillent selon les règles de la “Déclaration des devoirs et des droits du/de la journaliste”. Le Conseil suisse de la presse est le garant de l’application de ces règles.”

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